A global right-wing political network has gained significant strength since the start of 2025.

Experts say Washington is advancing this through public endorsements, economic measures, diplomatic engagements, and military posturing to solidify its influence. Yet momentum is marked by inherent fragmentation, making such movements structurally divergent, they say.

Since US President Donald Trump returned to the White House in January 2025, his administration and allies have adopted a clear posture of supporting pro-US right-wing powers worldwide, working to build what experts describe as a cohesive "right-wing network".

Analysts say that while domestic socioeconomic tensions fuel the rise of right-wing movements in specific regions, the US now plays a more active role as an external catalyst: a pattern that became evident through a series of targeted interventions.

This pivot has been particularly pronounced in Latin America, where long-standing US support for conservative forces has evolved into a more overt and coordinated campaign.

Jin Xiaowen, an associate professor at Renmin University of China's School of International Studies, wrote in an article published online that the US strategy operates on both economic and political fronts.

For instance, the US administration in July announced plans to impose steep tariffs on Brazil. The White House announced the move amid former far-right president Jair Bolsonaro's trial for an alleged attempt to seize power after losing his reelection bid in 2022.

Jin argued that the political motivation behind the move outweighs economic logic, despite the longstanding US trade surplus with Brazil.

It underscores how US backing within the right-wing sphere often serves strategic conditions, Jin said.

Analysts said the United States has a track record of bullying Latin American countries, also under the guise of combating drugs.

In September, the US administration revoked Colombian President Gustavo Petro's visa to the country and imposed sanctions on him over alleged ties to drug trafficking, alongside threats of tariff increases and aid reductions to Colombia.

The US launched strikes against Venezuela and abducted its President Nicolas Maduro and his wife on Saturday, drawing worldwide condemnation and concern.

Leaders of Brazil, Mexico, Cuba, Honduras and Chile, among others, have publicly slammed the United States and called on the international community to take urgent action.

"Today it's Venezuela, tomorrow it could be anyone else," Chilean President Gabriel Boric said on Saturday.

Jiang Shixue, an expert on Latin American studies at Fudan University, said Venezuela has steadfastly raised the banner of anti-US hegemony and provided petroleum energy support to countries such as Cuba. The US has long resented this, imposing sanctions on Venezuela for years and consistently seeking to remove this "thorn in its side", Jiang said.

Lyu Xiang, a research fellow at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said: "This is a declaration of the revival of a new Monroe Doctrine and an assertion of US hegemony in the Western Hemisphere."

Lyu was referring to the US National Security Strategy released in December by the White House. The report portrayed European allies as weak and aimed to reassert US dominance in the Western Hemisphere, a policy framework officials call the "Trump corollary", to the Monroe Doctrine.

Ideological guise

A similar strategic focus, albeit in a more ideological guise, was directed across the Atlantic. While asserting dominance in the Western Hemisphere, the report also addressed Europe, framing its engagement in terms of ideological solidarity.

It warned of the risk of "civilizational erasure" on the European continent and highlighted the rise of far-right political parties, endorsing their vocal opposition to illegal immigration and mainstream climate policies.

The strategy was quickly interpreted by European right-wing parties as a "certificate of recognition" from the US. Right-wing figures in Germany, Poland, and Hungary also expressed broad approval of its criticism of EU bureaucracy.

Yan Shaohua, deputy director of Fudan University's Center for China-Europe Relations, said the US has employed a dual-track approach to Europe.

"On one hand, it expresses skepticism to the EU and questions its legitimacy; on the other, it pursues a 'divide and rule' tactic among member states," he said.

However, Yan believes this US-centered "right-wing network" remains structurally fragile.

"Foreign policy rifts weaken its cohesion. For instance, the clear divide in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, between the pro-Russia stance of Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban and Poland's support for Ukraine, hinders coordination among these right-wing parties."

These tensions reflect a telling reality, Yan said. The network functions largely as a coalition of opposition, united against common targets such as immigration and political elites, yet lacking any shared, constructive agenda.

"When concrete policy action is needed, right-wing actors will inevitably prioritize their domestic political agendas. Trade protectionism, including US tariffs on allies, inevitably strains partner economies and breeds friction," he said.

Ultimately, Yan said, the network's fundamental contradiction comes when "America first" collides with "Europe first".