Political rows part of the process of social development
Updated: 2013-07-20 07:11
By Ho Hon-Kuen(HK Edition)
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Last Saturday, I had the chance to attend a talk by Wang Fengchao on the subject "A Brief History of Hong Kong" at the Culture Institute of the Beijing Institute of Socialism and benefited extensively from the more than three-hour discussion. Those aware of Hong Kong's modern history, particularly issues concerning the central government's negotiations on the handover of Hong Kong, will know of Wang's substantive participation.
Wang was brief on Hong Kong's ancient history and focused more on modern topics. "According to statistics, among the 193 member countries of the United Nations today, merely 22 countries had escaped from the British Royal Navy in opening their doors." Wang's short introductory remark directly led the writer to ponder, how powerful was the British Empire, "on which the sun never sets", in the oceans of the 18th and 19th centuries. China, a vast land with long stretches of coast, was inevitably a clear object of interest which the British Empire "fancied" at that time. Moreover, since China was then ruled by the corrupt Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), how could China be autonomous and make decisions for itself?
"The changes in the economy caused three evolutions in Hong Kong's Legislative Council (LegCo): the introduction of the unofficial members of LegCo in 1850; the introduction of Chinese members in 1880; and the diverse and balanced composition of LegCo until the 1970s." Wang pointed out that the council's "release of power" over the century largely corresponds to the Western saying: the obligations and rights of taxpayers should reach a reasonable balance. Indeed, at that time, the Chinese already dominated Hong Kong in terms of economic productivity and capital investment. This in turn, reminds me of Hong Kong today. In the existing LegCo, how much economic power do the 28 functional constituencies collectively possess? How much do they contribute to the city's GDP? Based on the principle of "One Country, Two Systems", Hong Kong practices capitalism. So how should Hong Kong safeguard the future business interests of large and small enterprises? One cannot blindly obliterate their existence; this is a matter for serious consideration.
Sir Murray MacLehose, as a diplomat, became the Hong Kong governor in 1971. Apparently, before he assumed the role, he submitted a report to the British Foreign Office, stating the need to propose a negotiation timetable with China on Hong Kong's future. On March 29, 1979, MacLehose travelled to Beijing and negotiated with Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in person, raising three questions: Are the three treaties (The 1842 Sino-British Treaty of Nanking; the 1860 Sino-British Convention of Peking and the 1898 Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory) valid? Is it feasible for the British to exchange sovereignty in return for the right to rule? Or is it possible to renew the rent of Hong Kong?
After MacLehose was notified of the "disappointing" results, which was "no" to all three questions, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher finally concluded negotiations with Deng Xiaoping in 1983. The clear answer was: China will resume sovereignty over Hong Kong with effect from July 1, 1997. Both parties signed the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984, agreeing that three areas would remain unchanged: the political, legal and capitalist systems.
After the governorship of MacLehose, Sir David Wilson and Chris Patten were consecutively appointed governor. The British administration introduced significant political changes during this period, particularly when Patten was in office, who introduced directly elected seats to the LegCo. This almost betrayed the promise of "no changes" declared in the Joint Declaration. "The Chinese government was not even informed of the plans to build a new airport, the Chinese government and the British had numerous disputes day after day, time after time on the issue of the handover," Wang said. He concluded that today's conflicts in Hong Kong, in comparison, are no big deal. Hong Kong people should face them optimistically, as these worries are part of the process of growing up.
History progresses quickly. It has been 16 years since the handover, yet arguments still constantly take place in Hong Kong. The war of words between Chinese officials and British diplomats has been replaced by rising tensions between the opposing camps of "Occupy Central" and "Anti-Occupy Central" supporters, sparking off fears of extreme division in Hong Kong society. The writer hopes Wang was right in suggesting these worries are mere by-products of Hong Kong's social development, and that sunshine always follows the rain.
The author is vice-chairman of Education Convergence.
(HK Edition 07/20/2013 page6)