In this situation, the developing world is trapped in an invidious dilemma. If it accedes to the demands of the developed world, it will get an emissions-control regime that will seriously compromise its development agenda and, with it, its ability to address problems of poverty, hunger and disease. If it does not and a new emissions-reduction plan is not agreed, it will suffer the most, because climate change will hit large parts of the developing world the hardest.

This impasse is a replication of the WTO's Doha round of talks. For over two decades, the developed world led by the US has been trying to open the markets of the developing world with pickaxes and sledgehammers, while refusing to compromise on domestic policies that constrain "free trade". In their ideal world, the US and the rest of developed world would like to have unrestrained access to these markets but will continue to subsidize agriculture to the tune of billions of dollars and restrict, for instance, the global mobility of labor of any kind.

Clearly, such unilateral "negotiations" cannot be countenanced. It is, therefore, imperative that Beijing and New Delhi, and others, continue to provide leadership to the global South and that the developing world remains unified. It is not particularly difficult to appreciate that no serious solution to climate change can be worked out unless the US drastically reduces emissions.

It is equally clear that the kind of WTO regime the US and the European Union envisage would destroy a substantial part of the agricultural sector in many developing countries where agriculture has already become non-remunerative and is becoming more so with the passage of time.

To say that Beijing and New Delhi must stand together in this conflict is not to say they must resolve all bilateral issues overnight. That is obviously not possible.

Every nation in the world has its unique configuration of interests - economic, geopolitical, strategic and all the other factors that come with them. In the pursuit of these interests, equally obviously, there will always be areas of conflict as there will be areas of solidarity.

This is true of China and India as well. But any dispute can be resolved bilaterally over time. Until solutions are found it is usually possible to live with such disputes unless their significance is cataclysmic. The areas of identity of interests between India and China are significant enough to form the basis of wide-ranging cooperation. The areas of divergence can be narrowed down, as has been the case for a while now.

The adoption of hawkish postures will certainly not help either country. On the contrary, it could significantly damage the vital cause of South-South cooperation and solidarity, which will only lend to the ailing US and the global regime it runs fresh vim and vigor.

The author is a senior journalist and independent researcher based in India.

(China Daily 01/22/2013 page9)