日批在线视频_内射毛片内射国产夫妻_亚洲三级小视频_在线观看亚洲大片短视频_女性向h片资源在线观看_亚洲最大网

Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Editorials

Another sign of Japan's right-wingers' dangerous ambition to break free of all postwar constraints: China Daily editorial

chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2025-12-21 20:08
Share
Share - WeChat
People attend a protest in front of the Japanese prime minister's official residence in Tokyo, Japan, Nov 21, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

The remarks by a senior Japanese government official reportedly suggesting Japan should acquire nuclear weapons constitute not only a grave challenge to Japan's nonnuclear principles, but also to the global nuclear nonproliferation regime and to the postwar international order.

This latest controversy has once again exposed a dangerous undercurrent in the country's security discourse, one that warrants serious vigilance from China and the international community.

Even if a "personal view", as the Japanese government later tried to frame it, such statements are not slips of the tongue. They reflect a broader and increasingly visible trend in Japan's political circles to test the boundaries of public support for breaking the country's long-standing three nonnuclear principles. The Japanese public remains deeply cautious about any attempts to overthrow the three nonnuclear principles, but the government appears intent on convincing it otherwise.

Chief Cabinet Secretary Minoru Kihara reiterated that Japan's policy of not possessing, producing or permitting the entry of nuclear weapons remains unchanged. Yet his refusal to directly address the remarks, coupled with Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi's earlier ambiguity over whether the "three nonnuclear principles" will remain intact in the country's future defense strategy, only fuels concern.

If Japan were to abandon its vow never to arm itself with nuclear weapons, the global bulwark against the proliferation of nuclear weapons would be critically weakened.

And that, as Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiakun rightly noted, demands grave attention from the international community.

Confronted with this potential shift in policy, the international community must respond with a clear and firm voice to uphold the nonproliferation regime. Russia has already expressed its opposition to discussions in Japan about the possible acquisition of nuclear weapons.

Japan's nuclear debate cannot be viewed in isolation. In recent years, Tokyo has steadily loosened the constraints imposed after World War II, revamping its security and defense policies, lifting the ban on exercising the right to collective self-defense and deepening military cooperation under the banner of so-called "extended deterrence". Even so, the country's three nonnuclear principles — not possessing, producing or permitting the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japanese territory — were regarded as sacrosanct. When vice-defense minister Shingo Nishimura, for instance, voiced similar ideas in 1999, he was promptly dismissed.

Floating the idea of possessing nuclear weapons reveals a growing ambition within Japan's right-wing forces, represented by the Takaichi government, to cast off the constraints of the postwar order and accelerate a march toward remilitarization.

The irony is stark. Japan often portrays itself internationally as a moral advocate for a world free of nuclear weapons, emphasizing its status as the only country to have suffered from the use of nuclear weapons. Yet this selective narrative obscures a deeper problem. As Guo pointed out, Japan has never fully reflected on the wars of aggression it waged, nor has it squarely confronted the historical responsibilities that come with that dark period of its past.

The Takaichi government's invoking of "worsening security environments" does not justify nuclear ambitions. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons recognizes only five nuclear-weapon states, and Japan is not among them. Any attempt to move closer to nuclear armament — whether through indigenous development or hosting foreign nuclear weapons — would erode regional trust and stability.

This year marks the 80th anniversary of victory in the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1931-45) and the World Anti-Fascist War. It is a moment that should prompt sober reflection in Japan, not renewed militaristic ambition. Respecting international law and adhering to its nonnuclear commitments are not burdens imposed from outside, but responsibilities rooted in history and morality.

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Top
BACK TO THE TOP
English
Copyright 1994 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 日本男女啪啪 | 激情豪放女 | 丁香婷婷激情五月 | 99热在线观看免费 | 色吧av色av | 日韩一二三区视频 | 欧美一级特黄aaaaaa | 欧美成人亚洲 | 日韩精品小视频 | 久久久婷婷| 国产精品久久久一区 | 日本激情小视频 | 国产伦精品一区二区三区四区视频 | 国产精品视频一二三 | 欧美日韩精品在线观看视频 | 亚洲经典av| 亚洲高清视频在线 | 男人天堂网在线观看 | 亚洲五月综合 | 日本在线视频中文字幕 | 国产精品成 | 岛国成人在线 | 在线免费观看91 | 午夜激情免费视频 | 午夜毛片在线观看 | 国产欧美日韩视频 | 99热99精品| 超污网站在线观看 | 精品一区二区三区av | 国产日韩在线免费观看 | 国产视频久久久久久 | 日本一本不卡 | 成年人在线观看网站 | 超碰自拍97| 国内精品一区二区三区 | 开心激情综合 | 国产在线不卡av | 灵与欲在线观看 | 中文字幕在线资源 | 天天躁日日躁狠狠躁喷水 | 久久久久成人网 |